Isabella Bakker and Stephen Gill, eds, Power, Production and Social Reproduction, Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.
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RATING: 60
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This is a book well worth reading, though not one to buy. It marks a high point - perhaps the high point - in the new constitutionalist project initiated by Stephen Gill and subsequently taken forward with Isabella Bakker, and is a significant point of reference, but its limitations are as instructive as its strengths. It is notable for seeking to integrate production and social reproduction into a single analytical frame, by locating the latter in the 'broader conditioning frameworks' of the 'projects of disciplinary neoliberalism and new constitutionalism that consolidate and extend the world market' (38), on the argument that 'any complete understanding of the productivity of capital requires an integrated analysis of production/social production' (164). Defining social reproduction as encompassing biological reproduction, the reproduction of labour power, and 'social practices connected to caring, socialization and the fulfilment of human needs' (4), the first chapter takes as its point of reference the expanded reproduction of capital and the creation of the world market, translated here into 'a global political economy hospitable to the neoliberal frameworks of accumulation favoured by transnational corporations and large investors that dominate world trade, investment and finance' (5). The focus is on governance frameworks for and struggles around social and economic reproduction, in the context of new cultural contexts of consumerism and possessive individualism, and the chapter concludes by calling for a 'new conceptual framework and ontology of political economy', the latter to include 'the multiple forms of commodification, exploitation, and control of labour; the greater commodification of social institutions; accelerating commodification of the human body and the alienation of life forms and systems of material provisioning more generally' (14). The second chapter presents a detailed analytical framework, developing the need for a gendered perspective and presenting two central hypotheses - that 'there is an emerging contradiction between the global accumulation of capital and the provisioning of stable conditions for social reproduction'; and that 'this situation is being locked in by neo-liberal new constitutional governance mechanisms, with damaging effects for the social reproduction of the majority of the world's population' (27). The resulting shifts in the governance of social reproduction are explored at micro (reconstitution of the self and the political and social subject), meso (redefinition of key social institutions in government, market and the family) and macro (end of Keynesianism) dimensions. The general theme is that accelerating commodification across a range of fronts is inimical to secure or stable social reproduction, but that the neoliberal project, powerful though it is, is doomed to fail. In two further framing chapters, Brodie focuses on human security, and Bakker addresses the 'reprivatization of social reproduction'. Brodie identifies three paradoxes that 'challenge collective interventions in the name of the social' (49). The first, scale, 'points to a growing discontinuity between the objects and structures of governance as well as between social problems and political capacities' (58). While some argue that 'human security and social justice are now best pursued at the level of the transnational' (59), 'rights, especially social rights continue to rely on national states for their materialization' (60). The second, necessity, 'asserts that neo-liberal globalism simultaneously maximizes the need for social intervention in the name of human security while, at the same time, minimizes the political spaces and strategic instruments necessary to achieve this public good', and has thereby 'forced polities to accept an unsustainable trade-off between economic competitiveness in global markets and social well-being and political stability' (60). The third, sustainability, 'questions the capacity of neo-liberal globalism, quite literally, to provide sustenance to individuals and communities, to withstand the pressure of growing political contradictions, and, ultimately, to regenerate itself' (61). Brodie concludes that neo-liberalism is an unsustainable governing project, not least because 'it fails to successfully anticipate the necessities of social reproduction in the contemporary era' (62). In the fourth chapter, Bakker builds on the framework set out in Chapter Two, drawing examples from the case of Canada (a strategy that involves a good deal of repetition). An expanded definition of social reproduction is offered here: 'the social processes and human relations associated with the creation and maintenance of the communities upon which all production and exchange rest. This involves not only the social wage, that is, state provisions associated with health and welfare and socialization of risk (pensions, unemployment insurance, social safety nets, kinship networks), but also structures associated with the long-term reproduction of the socioeconomic system such as education' (66). The argument presented is that as part of the general shift from Keynesian to neoliberal policy, the 'social wage' has been eroded, leading to a dual movement of privatization - commodification on the one hand, and the pushing of social reproduction into the informal sector and back to the family on the other.
The approach adopted is clear, comprehensive and well structured. Its strengths - which make it a valuable point of reference for any serious attempt to address social reproduction in the 21st century - are that it seeks to analyse production and social reproduction together; that it does so within a broader framework - the new constitutionalism and disciplinary liberalism - that is influential in the field and set out fully and clearly here; and that it develops the idea of social reproduction in a way that is detailed, nuanced, and coherent. It is therefore a useful starting point, and it merits critical engagement.
A striking and disappointing feature of the collection, however, is how little the succeeding chapters draw and build upon this very elaborate framework. Young's chapter on financial crises and social reproduction is an exception, as the framework itself draws upon her work. Otherwise, interesting chapters by Hanochi on the sex sector in Japan, Persaud on racialization in global labour recruitment and supply, Mushakoji on exploitative migration and McMichael on food security draw barely or not at all upon it, and two concluding chapters from Gill (which could easily have been rolled into one) explore the political economy of affluence in the US and American global security strategy, with the result that there is no extended application or overall assessment of the framework proposed. This was a missed opportunity. Second, the broader new constitutionalist framework has limitations that have become more apparent with the passing of time - excessive US/Western-centrism, and a persistent tendency to set the framework of analysis up in terms of the contrast between successive Keynesian and neoliberal phases that dominates so much work in critical IPE. The latter contrast is equally to the fore in the way in which social reproduction is addressed. This means in turn that there is precious little empirical exploration of the key concepts of commodification and the world market, so that the 'broader framework' simply provides a backdrop, rather than being productive of key themes through which to explore the relationship between production and social reproduction in greater depth. China is invoked as a source of cheap wage goods, but their impact on the sustainability of households and of the shift of income and wealth from labour to capital is not explored. Nor is further attention paid to the changing character of production, whether in terms of fragmented production and global value chains, or in terms of the specific character of the commodification of provisioning and the day-to-day reproduction of labour power in particular - the combination of processed foods and new and not so new technologies that make the telephone/takeaway and ready meal/microwave key staples of social reproduction in so many households. Subsequent developments that could not easily have been anticipated at the time - notably food delivery services such as Deliveroo, Hungryhouse, and Just Eat among many others - reinforce the significance of this whole area of analysis. There is no analysis either of fundamental aspects of the social and material reality of social reproduction at the turn of the century, whether in terms of demographics, rapidly changing family and household structures, comparative data on marriage (including transnational marriage) and childbirth. The rapidly evolving technology and politics of biological reproduction are not considered at all, a quarter of a century on from the successful implementation of IVF (more understandably, there is no discussion either of the since rapidly developed industry of transnational gestational surrogacy). Finally, as regards the relationship between production and social reproduction, too little attention is paid to specific techniques of governance that go beyond surveillance and are intended to habituate citizens to new forms of social reproduction that are consistent with the extended power of capital. What all of this means is that the integrated analysis of production and social reproduction delivers far less than it might have done, as neither are what they used to be, and their contemporary reality is insufficiently explored. None of this detracts, though, from the basic virtue of the collection - that it outlines a clear and extensively developed integrated framework for the joint analysis of production and social reproduction. As such, it was an important contribution, and it remains a benchmark.
The approach adopted is clear, comprehensive and well structured. Its strengths - which make it a valuable point of reference for any serious attempt to address social reproduction in the 21st century - are that it seeks to analyse production and social reproduction together; that it does so within a broader framework - the new constitutionalism and disciplinary liberalism - that is influential in the field and set out fully and clearly here; and that it develops the idea of social reproduction in a way that is detailed, nuanced, and coherent. It is therefore a useful starting point, and it merits critical engagement.
A striking and disappointing feature of the collection, however, is how little the succeeding chapters draw and build upon this very elaborate framework. Young's chapter on financial crises and social reproduction is an exception, as the framework itself draws upon her work. Otherwise, interesting chapters by Hanochi on the sex sector in Japan, Persaud on racialization in global labour recruitment and supply, Mushakoji on exploitative migration and McMichael on food security draw barely or not at all upon it, and two concluding chapters from Gill (which could easily have been rolled into one) explore the political economy of affluence in the US and American global security strategy, with the result that there is no extended application or overall assessment of the framework proposed. This was a missed opportunity. Second, the broader new constitutionalist framework has limitations that have become more apparent with the passing of time - excessive US/Western-centrism, and a persistent tendency to set the framework of analysis up in terms of the contrast between successive Keynesian and neoliberal phases that dominates so much work in critical IPE. The latter contrast is equally to the fore in the way in which social reproduction is addressed. This means in turn that there is precious little empirical exploration of the key concepts of commodification and the world market, so that the 'broader framework' simply provides a backdrop, rather than being productive of key themes through which to explore the relationship between production and social reproduction in greater depth. China is invoked as a source of cheap wage goods, but their impact on the sustainability of households and of the shift of income and wealth from labour to capital is not explored. Nor is further attention paid to the changing character of production, whether in terms of fragmented production and global value chains, or in terms of the specific character of the commodification of provisioning and the day-to-day reproduction of labour power in particular - the combination of processed foods and new and not so new technologies that make the telephone/takeaway and ready meal/microwave key staples of social reproduction in so many households. Subsequent developments that could not easily have been anticipated at the time - notably food delivery services such as Deliveroo, Hungryhouse, and Just Eat among many others - reinforce the significance of this whole area of analysis. There is no analysis either of fundamental aspects of the social and material reality of social reproduction at the turn of the century, whether in terms of demographics, rapidly changing family and household structures, comparative data on marriage (including transnational marriage) and childbirth. The rapidly evolving technology and politics of biological reproduction are not considered at all, a quarter of a century on from the successful implementation of IVF (more understandably, there is no discussion either of the since rapidly developed industry of transnational gestational surrogacy). Finally, as regards the relationship between production and social reproduction, too little attention is paid to specific techniques of governance that go beyond surveillance and are intended to habituate citizens to new forms of social reproduction that are consistent with the extended power of capital. What all of this means is that the integrated analysis of production and social reproduction delivers far less than it might have done, as neither are what they used to be, and their contemporary reality is insufficiently explored. None of this detracts, though, from the basic virtue of the collection - that it outlines a clear and extensively developed integrated framework for the joint analysis of production and social reproduction. As such, it was an important contribution, and it remains a benchmark.